A Massacre and American Uprising: Wilmington, NC 1898 (Part 3)
Left to right: Governor Daniel Russell, Rep. North Carolina, Alexander Manly, Editor of The Daily Record (his offices depicted burring in the drawing) and Governor Ellerbe of South Carolina (there was extreme violence in South Carolina, as well, during this election). “Race Riots and Shotgun Law in the Carolinas.” The San Francisco Call, Sunday, November 27, 1898..
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A Massacre and American Uprising: Wilmington, NC 1898 (Part 3)
The day after the election in Wilmington, a mass meeting was called on November 9, 1898. Some of the same people, who had planned an overthrow of the local government were in the meeting. You see, sometime later it was uncovered that local men planned, all along, to overthrow the city’s government and to rid the city of Republican and Negro rule. So many of the events that took place were both planned and spontaneous—which fed right into the hands of those who actively wanted to overthrow the government. The meeting on November 9th would be the next step in the events that unfolded.
An “Impromptu” Meeting
The newspaper, The Semi-Weekly Messenger, reported on the meeting in the following way:
The Semi-Weekly Messenger, Friday, November 11, 1898
“Following closely upon Tuesday’s astounding victory for white supremacy, the most remarkable mass meeting in the history of Wilmington assembled…at the court house. The meeting was only broached Tuesday night (the night of the election), but the court house was crowded, standing room was filled and the crowd overflowed into the corridor.”
At least one thousand people jammed into the court house—“ministers, working men, lawyers, doctors, merchants and all classes…” The Ex-Mayor of the city, S.H. Fishblate and a former U.S. congressman, Alfred Moore Waddell were in attendance, with Waddell serving as the chairperson (although he said he was not aware of the goal of the meeting, but would accept the call of duty).
Alfred Waddell was made chair of the meeting and the representatives of the press were made the secretaries of meeting. Alfred Waddell said that upon arriving at the meeting a set of resolutions had been given to him that he would begin reading to the audience (and that he “heartily approved” of the resolutions). How he was given resolutions for a meeting that was supposedly impromptu speaks to the orchestrated nature of the events that were taking place in Wilmington.
As we have mentioned, Democratic white supremacists struck a deal, under threat of violence, to remove the Republican county ticket, altogether, and to not allow any African-American candidates on the ballot. In exchange, they would put forth agreeable candidates on their state congressional ticket. They won an overwhelming victory, and now they were holding a mass meeting to finish the work they thought needed to be done.
The Resolutions
The resolutions that Alfred Waddell read, as published in The Semi-Weekly Messenger, were as follows:
“Believing that the constitution of the United States contemplated a government to be carried on by an enlightened people; believing that its framers did not anticipate the enfranchisement of an ignorant population of Africa origin, and believing that those men of the state of North Carolina, who joined in forming the union, did not contemplate for their decendants (original spelling as printed in the newspaper) subjection to an inferior race:
We, the undersigned citizens of the city of Wilmington and county of New Hanover, do herby declare that we will no longer be ruled, and will never again be ruled by men of African origin.
The condition we have in part endured because we felt that the consequences of the war of secession were such as to deprive us of the fair consideration of many of our countrymen.
We believe that, after more than thirty years, this is no longer the case.
The stand we now pledge ourselves to is forced upon us suddenly by a crisis and our eyes are open to the fact that we must act now or leave or decendants (original spelling as printed in newspaper) to a fate too gloomy to be borne.
While we recognize the authority of the United States, and will yield to it if exerted, we would not for a moment believe that it is the purpose of more than 60,000,000 of our own race to subject us permanently to a fate to which no Anglo-Saxon has ever been forced to submit.
We, therefore, believing that we represent unequivocally the sentiments of the White People of this county and city, hereby for ourselves, and as representing them, proclaim:
That the time has passed for the intelligent citizens of this community owning 95 per cent of the property and paying taxes in like proportion, to be ruled by negroes.
That we will not tolerate the action of unscrupulous white men in affiliating with the negroes so that by means of their votes they can dominate the intelligent and thrifty element in the community, this causing business to stagnate and progress to be out of the question.
That the Negro has demonstrated by antagonizing our interest in every way, and especially by his ballot, that he is incapable of realizing that his interests are and should be identical with those of the community.
That the progressive element in any community is the white population and that the giving of nearly all the employment to Negro laborers been against the best interests of this county and city and is a sufficient reason why the city of Wilmington, with its natural advantages, has not become a city of at least 50,000 inhabitants.
That we propose in future to give to white men a large part of the employment heretofore given to Negroes because we realize that white families cannot thrive here unless there are more opportunities for the employment of the different members of said families.
That the white men expect to live in this community peaceably; to have and provide absolute protection for their families, who shall be safe from insult or injury from all person whomsoever. We are prepared to treat the Negroes with justice and consideration in all matters which do not involve sacrifices of the interests of the intelligent and progressive portion of the community. But are equally prepared now and immediately to enforce what we know to be our rights.
That we have been, in our desire for harmony and peace, blinded both to our interests and our rights. A climax was reached when the Negro paper of this city published an article so vile and slanderous that it would in most communities have resulted in the lynching of the editor. We deprecate lynching and yet there is no punishment, provided by the courts, adequate for this offense. We, therefore, owe it to the people of the community and of this city, as a protection against such license in the future, that the paper known as “The Record” cease to be published and that its editor be banished from this community.
We demand that he leave this city forever within twenty-four hours after the issuance of this proclamation. Second, that the printing press from which The Record has been issued be packed and shipped from the city without delay, that we be notified within twelve hours of the acceptance or rejection of this demand.
If the demand is agreed to, within twelve hours, we counsel forbearance on the part of all white men. If the demand is refused or if no answer is given within the time mentioned then the editor, Manly, will be expelled by force.”
The newspaper described that the reading of these resolutions finished “in the midst of a wonderful scene. The assemblage rose to its feet as one man cheering and applauding, with a chorus of “Right!” “Right!” “Right!”
A Coup in the Making
The ex-mayor, Fishblate, then moved that an amendment be added to the resolutions that the current mayor of the city, the chief of police and the entire board of aldermen be notified to vacate their positions immediately.
Under threat of violence, this was a coup in the making—capitalizing on the outrage of white men and women over Negro influence in the city.
George Rountree, who was a member of the county’s Democratic Party Campaign Committee, suggested that the resolutions, and the amendment, be referred to a committee that would review them and then report back to the meeting, as soon as possible. The chairperson, Alfred Waddell, appointed five men:
George Rountree (who was a member of the Democratic Party Campaign Committee, as we have noted, and a member of the Wilmington Chamber of Commerce)
Iredell Meares (who was a local lawyer and supporter of white supremacy).
Hugh MacRae (who was a member of a “secret” group of nine people who helped organize some of these events and who was also a member of the Wilmington Chamber of Commerce)
Walker Taylor (who was a member of a second group of men that also helped to organize these affairs—he was also a member of the Democratic Party Campaign Committee and a member of the Wilmington Chamber of Commerce)
S.H. Fisblate (who was the former mayor of the city—he was also a member of the Wilmington Chamber of Commerce and was the person who suggested the amendment).
So, you had members of the local Democratic Party (who helped to pull through the forced deal with the Governor that essentially assured them victory), members of the Wilmington Chamber of Commerce which had already issued a statement that it was in favor of white dominance and governance in the city, and members of two separate groups that were working in the background to take down the legally elected Republican and African-American power structure in the city—all selected to be members of the committee to review the resolutions that were essentially written even before the meeting began.
Coordinated Effort on the Part of White Supremacists
In the months leading up to the election, the Democratic Party of the state of North Carolina put out a call for White Government Unions to be formed and other efforts were were put forth to prepare for the election.
White Government Unions called for “every White Man who desires White Government in North Carolina, and is willing to use every practicable and honorable means to restore White Supremacy therein,” to come forth into these groups. They were organized at the township level in every county that could muster the support and they were active in Wilmington, along with other groups who were ready for violence.
The Conclusion of the Meeting
All of these factors were at play in that mass meeting on November 9, 1898, in Wilmington, NC. When the committee finished reviewing the resolutions it came back in front of the audience and recommended no changes to the first set of resolutions and offered this in reference to the city’s government:
“It is the sense of this meeting that Mayor S. P. Wright and Chief of Police J. R. Melton, having demonstrated their incapacity to give the city a decent government and to keep order therein, their continuance in office being a constant menace to the peace and welfare of this community, ought forthwith to resign.”
The resolutions were adopted, Alfred Waddell noted that this “great victory achieved was largely due to the newspapers” and a separate committee of twenty-five men was charged with task of seeing to it that the resolutions were carried out.
The Black people of Wilmington had no way of protecting themselves from the onslaught that was about to come.
After leaving the mass meeting the gang of white supremacists demanded to meet with a group of African Americans, whom they selected. They met with them that afternoon and presented their resolutions to them with no questions to be asked—it was not up for debate. They demanded that the colored citizens respond to them by 7:30 am the next morning on whether or not Manly and his printing press would be removed from town (Manly had apparently already left) and if they did not hear back by 7:30 am, the white supremacist would take things into their own hands and see to it that Manly was forcibly removed.
The “Colored Citizen’s Committee”, tried to reply directly to Alfred Waddell’s house, but were unable to because of the crowds of people gathering in the streets that morning. When Alfred Waddell did not receive the reply in time, he marched to the armory where every man had “brought his rifle and many had pistols also.”
From Someone Who Was There
What happens next is best told by someone who was there. Rev. J. Allen Kirk was pastor of the Central Baptist Church of Wilmington, N. C. He wrote an account of what happened during that awful time. He said that, while at home at his breakfast table that morning, he:
“saw a young man rushing by on his wheel whom he called to and asked what the trouble was, he said they were all gathering at the Armory on Market Street, preparing to burn down The Record. Rev. Kirk started for a carriage to remove his family but they were then coming and he took his family to the suburbs of the City, hiding in the Colored Cemetery until the disturbances of the day were quite over; having messengers to go back and forth to bring him the news of all that was done.”
“They went from there across the railroad into what is known as Darktown and Brooklyn; they had sent a committee to remove all the white women and their children down town, where they had prepared a guard to keep them secure. They marched through the streets protected by these military and citizen regulators, perfectly safe.
It was a great sight to see them marching from death, and the colored women, colored men, colored children, colored enterprises and colored people all exposed to death. Firing began, and it seemed like a mighty battle in war time. The shrieks and screams of children, of mothers, of wives were heard, such as caused the blood of the most inhuman person to creep. Thousands of women, children and men rushed to the swamps and there lay upon the earth in the cold to freeze and starve. The woods were filled with colored people. The streets were dotted with their dead bodies. A white gentleman said that he saw ten bodies lying in the undertakers office at one time. Some of their bodies were left lying in the streets until up in the next day following the riot. Some were found by the stench and miasma that came forth from their decaying bodies under their houses. Every colored man who passed through the streets had either to be guarded by one of the crowd or have a paper (pass) giving him the right to pass. All colored men at the cotton press and oil mills were ordered not to leave their labor but stop there, while their wives and children were shrieking and crying in the midst of the flying balls and in sight of the cannons and Gatling gun. All the white people had gone out of that part of the City, this army of men marched through the streets, sword buckled to their sides, giving the command to fire. Men stood at their labor wringing their hands and weeping, but they dare not move to the protection of their homes. And then when they passed through the streets had to hold up their hands and be searched. The little white boys of the city searched them and took from them every means of defence, and if they resisted, they were shot down. From an eye-witness and a reliable colored lady, from New York, it was stated that they went into a colored man's house, he sitting at the fire, they thought he fired a shot; he ran, they shot him down, then took up a stick of wood and bursted his brains out; then they went on firing, it seems, at every living Negro, killing a great many of them; searching everyone they could get hold of; this went on all day and night, more or less. The city was under military rule; no Negro was allowed to come into the city without being examined or without passing through with his boss, for whom he labored. Colored women were examined and their hats taken off and search was made even under their clothing. They went from house to house looking for Negroes that they considered offensive; took arms they had hidden and killed them for the least expression of manhood. They gathered around colored homes, firing like great sportsmen firing at rabbits in an open field and when one would jump his man, from sixty to one hundred shots would be turned loose upon him. His escape was impossible. One fellow was walking along a railroad and they shot him down without any provocation. It is said by an eye witness that men lay upon the street dead and dying, while members of their race walked by helpless and unable to do them any good or their families. Negro stores were closed and the owners thereof driven out of the city and even shipped away at the point of the gun.
Some of the churches were searched for ammunition, and cannons turned toward the door in the attitude of blowing up the church if the pastor or officers did not open them that they might go through.”
During all of this, Alfred Waddell and his group of men demanded a meeting with the Mayor of the city and the city aldermen. By 4 o’clock that afternoon, and shortly thereafter, the mayor and several aldermen resigned and a new city government was quickly put in place.
© 2020, Red and Black Ink, LLC and Danita Smith
References:
1898 Wilmington Race Riot Commission (LeRae Umfleet, Principal Researcher). 1898 Wilmington Race Riot Report. Research Branch, Office of Archives and History North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources. May 31, 2006.
“Awful Calamity.” The Semi-Weekly Messenger. Friday, November 11, 1898. Pg. 5.
“First Woman Senator: October 3, 1922” United States Senate. Accessed November 2020. https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/minute/First_Woman_Senator_Appointed.htm
“Look at This Trio: One with Dark Skin, the Others with Hearts Just as Black.” The Semi-Weekly Messenger. Tuesday, September 27, 1898. Pg. 7.
“Perils of Women: Speech to Which Manly’s Editorial Was a Reply, Mrs. Felton’s Words.” The News and Observer. November 16, 1898. Page 2.
“Who is Manly?” The Semi-Weekly Messenger. Tuesday, August 29, 1898. Pg. 8.
“Remarkable Meeting” The Semi-Weekly Messenger. Friday, November 11, 1898. Pg. 5.